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They included the National Defence College (NDC) and Capstone Courses in Bangladesh; National Security Staff College, Defence Services Staff College, National Defence College in India; National Defence University and Command and Staff College in Pakistan and Nasser Higher Military Academy and National Defence College in Egypt. Not all could or wanted to create the positive ambience for the trust building. These platforms allow for the cross-pollination of ideas, fostering mutual respect and strategic alignment between military and non-military segments.
This article explores the examples of these four countries where national defence institutions have played substantial roles in shaping civil-military relations with some succeeding while some failing. It analyses how education programmes like NDC and Capstone courses act as a bridge to develop trust, shared narratives, and a sense of national purpose among top civilian and military leadership.
Bangladesh’s Camaraderie through Capstone and NDC” Bangladesh’s military has undergone significant transformation since the Liberation War of 1971. Following years of political instability and military intervention in politics, the civil-military equation has gradually matured under constitutional civilian control. The establishment of the National Defence College in Mirpur in 1999 was a strategic step toward professionalizing defence leadership and integrating civilian officers into strategic thinking.
Capstone and NDC Programmes: The NDC Bangladesh offers a year-long course designed for one-star generals and equivalent civil officers. Its Capstone Course, typically lasting three weeks, is targeted at senior civil servants (Additional Secretaries), diplomats, journalists, academics, and CEOs. The curriculum includes modules on: Bangladesh as a sovereign state, Governance and development, National security and strategy and Higher management and decision-making.
Participants engage in joint war games, simulation exercises, strategic planning, and overseas study tours. The programme creates a unique peer network, dissolving bureaucratic silos between ministries, services, and agencies.
Impact on Civil-Military Understanding: The Capstone and NDC graduates often form part of policymaking bodies such as the Economic Council, Security Affairs Division, and Cabinet Committees. This shared alumni experience fosters informal consultation networks. The Capstone course in particular strengthens civil-military rapport at a critical junction-when both sides are poised to reach the highest policy echelons.
Pakistan’s Strategic Edu in a Dominant Military Culture: Unlike Bangladesh, Pakistan’s military has historically been the dominant political actor. Since independence in 1947, it has ruled directly or indirectly for nearly half the nation’s history. This skewed power balance has made civil-military relations contentious, with limited civilian oversight of security policy. Pakistan army, which enjoys nearly one billion dollars along with UN peacekeeping missions abroad, seemingly falters while working with civil bureaucracy. Cessation of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971 has prompted the deltaic land to divorce itself from the policies and practices including those of military of Pakistan. The legacy of tussle for power between the civilians and the army is still persistent.
National Defence University (NDU): Established in 1970 as the National Defence College and upgraded to a university in 2007, the NDU Islamabad offers strategic studies programmes including the National Security and War Course (NSWC). Participation is open to military officers, senior civil bureaucrats, police officers, and representatives from key institutions like the Foreign Office and the Intelligence Bureau.
Unlike Bangladesh’s Capstone course, Pakistan’s programme is longer (10-11 months) and more doctrinally military in focus, although civilian participation is encouraged. The NSWC covers: Strategic environment of Pakistan, Warfare and military doctrine, National integration and public policy and Internal security and counterterrorism
Impact and Challenges: Despite the NDU’s inclusive structure, genuine civil-military camaraderie remains elusive in Pakistan due to the disproportionate military dominance in national security policymaking. While the programme fosters interpersonal bonds, institutional trust is hindered by repeated military coups and limited civilian strategic capacity.
Still, notable NDU graduates include prime ministers, chief secretaries, and ambassadors-indicating that the programme contributes to an elite cadre with strategic literacy, even within a militarised policy landscape.
Egypt’s Civil-Military Fusion in an Authoritarian Context: In Egypt, the military has long functioned as the backbone of the state. Since the Free Officers’ Revolution in 1952, almost all Egyptian presidents have been drawn from military ranks except first democratically elected president Dr Mohammad Morsi, representing Muslim Brotherhood which was established by HasanulBanna. The armed forces, which get US$1.3 billion from the US, control vast sections of the economy, infrastructure, and public services. If overarching military is good for a country, pampered by US aid and also mollycoddled also by sending army on UN peacekeeping missions abroad, Egypt would have been the best country in the world.Two things are conspicuously similar between Pakistan and Egypt when it comes to the question of US aid for military and UN peacekeeping mission abroad.
Nasser Higher Military Academy and Capstone Equivalents: Egypt does not offer a ‘Capstone’ course per se, but its Nasser Academy and Supreme War College train senior officers and select civilian officials in strategic studies. Civilian participants include police officers, diplomats, judges, and sometimes business leaders.
Topics include: Regional and global strategic environment, State security and military doctrine, Development planning and national defence and Military-civilian coordination in crisis management.
The curriculum of these institutes emphasises loyalty to the military-run state and autocratic regime of Sisirather than open democratic governance or civil-military debate.
Impact on Civil-Military Relations: Rather than promoting parity, Egypt’s strategic training programmes reinforce a hegemonic model where civilian participation is more about compliance than partnership. However, the integrated training produces a form of ‘state-centric camaraderie’ rooted in national pride and stability narratives. Probably those ‘select civilians’ participating in the course hardly critique the autocratic regime and contribute to the democratic debates, challenging the pro-regime narratives.
India’s Institutionalised Civil-Military Engagement: India’s civil-military relations are notable for their strict subordination of the military to civilian control, established by the Nehruvian doctrine after independence. While the military is professional and powerful, it remains outside the political sphere.
National Defence College (NDC) India: Established in 1960, the NDC New Delhi is South Asia’s oldest strategic-level training institution. Its 47-week course brings together Brigadier-level officers and Joint Secretary-level civil servants. Foreign military and civil participants from over 20 countries also attend.
The curriculum includes: International relations, Military strategy and national security, Economic and internal security and Defence planning and policy formulation.
The NDC India functions under the Integrated Defence Staff and Ministry of Defence, maintaining high standards of academic rigour and nonpartisan debate. As English is widely spoken language, Indians are well aware of the military and safety issues of their country.
Capstone-Like Programmes: India also organisesStrategic Leadership Seminars and Higher Defence Management Courses for mid-career officials across sectors. These programmes offer short-term exposure similar to Capstone courses and often draw participants from institutions like the Indian Administrative Service (IAS), Indian Foreign Service (IFS), and academia.
Impact on National Integration: India’s model is often cited as a success in harmonising civil-military relations within a democratic framework. Graduates of NDC and related programmes are frequently elevated to positions of strategic decision-making. Civilian and military participants engage in candid debate, build mutual understanding, and contribute to joint operations during national emergencies.
Strategic Significance of Civil-Military Camaraderie National Resilience: Cohesive civil-military understanding strengthens national responses to crises like pandemics, floods, or cyber threats.
Policy Synchronisation: Training courses allow multiple arms of government to align perspectives on defence budgeting, counterterrorism, and foreign policy, Strategic Culture Building: Regular interaction fosters strategic literacy among civilians and political awareness among soldiers, Conflict Prevention: Well-nurtured camaraderie reduces chances of coups or civil unrest rooted in miscommunication or mistrust and Professional Development: Such programs provide a rare intellectual forum for military officers to understand public policy, and for civilians to appreciate military logic.
Recommendations: Bangladesh: Expand Capstone to regional centres; introduce policy writing and conflict resolution simulations. Pakistan: Strengthen civilian input into NDU curriculum; encourage Parliament-linked follow-ups. Egypt: Shift focus from regime security to national integration and democratic governance. India: Export its civil-military education model to smaller democracies; digitalise seminars for wider access. All countries: Create an alumni network platform to foster continued cross-sectoral dialogue.
Civil-military camaraderie, nurtured through strategic education courses like NDC and Capstone, remains a crucial pillar of national governance and stability. In Bangladesh, Pakistan, Egypt, and India, these programmes reflect different civil-military equilibriums-from hierarchical control to collegial engagement.
Bangladesh and India provide promising models where civilian and military elites are trained together to serve national interest. And Bangladesh still struggling on the way to becoming a country of balance to be cited for excellent civil-military bureaucracy and camaraderie between military and non-military people. Pakistan and Egypt illustrate the challenges of military overreach, even within such education systems. The goal, ultimately, is to transform strategic education from a military necessity into a democratic imperative-where all sectors of the state are aligned through mutual respect and shared strategic vision.
The writer is a journalist, the Daily Observer